In the past few months Iraq has suffered large scale protests and violence, which has taken hundreds of lives. The protestors not only blame their own political leaders and political institutions, but also the Iranian government. They believe that Iran's interference in Iraqi politics has contributed to the corruption and factionalism.
Anti-Iran sentiments have intensified since October 2019 and protestors have set Iran's consulate in Najaf on fire twice. Anti-Iranian protestors have also started an a boycott campaign
against Iranian products. Iraq has emerged as one of Iran's largest export markets for non-oil products since 2018. It is an important market for Iran because of the large volume of border trade which is a source of income and livelihood for a large number of small and medium businesses. If domestic instability of Iraq and anti-Iran sentiments lead to a significant decline in Iran's trade with that country, many businesses will suffer.
Ever since the fall of Saddam Hossein in 2003 Iran has invested heavily to maintain close relations with various Shi'a factions in Iraq and expand bilateral relations. Iran's Revolutionary Guards have also developed close links with Shi'a paramilitary groups. When ISIS captured a large amount of Iraqi territory in 2014 the Iraqi military was not strong enough to confront them. Iran played an important role in arming and supporting the Hashd al-Sha'bi (People's Mobilization Units), which confronted and eventually defeated ISIS.
Alliance with Iraq is also an important component of Iran's broader Middle East policy. Iran has invested heavily in supporting the Behsar Assad regime in Syria and in order to have land access to Syria (through which it will have access to Hisbollah), it needs close cooperation with Iraq. Iran's Shi'a Crescent (which consists of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Hizbollah), will not be effective without Iraq, which is situated between Iran and Syria.
Now the Iran-Iraq alliance that Iran has worked so lard to create and solidify, is at risk. Iran should not ignore the public sentiment in Iraq. It also must rethink its interventions in Iraq that have led to these growing resentments. Clearly good relations with Iraq are very important for Iran's security and economy. Interfering in Iraq's domestic affairs is not the right way to go. It will only lead to more negative sentiments. Furthermore, The United State, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are working very hard to reduce Iran's influence in Iraq. They are resourceful and have contributed to the rising anti-Iran sentiments in recent months.
Under these conditions any effort by Iran to maintain influence in Iraq through informal and non-governmental channels will only lead to more anti-Iran sentiments. Iran is not in a position to treat Iraq as a client state. It should respect Iraq's sovereignty and treat it as an equal and sovereign neighbor. Instead of joining other external powers that interfere in Iraq's affairs Iran should work with Iraqi government to empower it to assert its sovereignty. It is only through this approach that Iran can gain the respect of friendship of Iraqi people in the long run.
Anti-Iran sentiments have intensified since October 2019 and protestors have set Iran's consulate in Najaf on fire twice. Anti-Iranian protestors have also started an a boycott campaign
against Iranian products. Iraq has emerged as one of Iran's largest export markets for non-oil products since 2018. It is an important market for Iran because of the large volume of border trade which is a source of income and livelihood for a large number of small and medium businesses. If domestic instability of Iraq and anti-Iran sentiments lead to a significant decline in Iran's trade with that country, many businesses will suffer.
Ever since the fall of Saddam Hossein in 2003 Iran has invested heavily to maintain close relations with various Shi'a factions in Iraq and expand bilateral relations. Iran's Revolutionary Guards have also developed close links with Shi'a paramilitary groups. When ISIS captured a large amount of Iraqi territory in 2014 the Iraqi military was not strong enough to confront them. Iran played an important role in arming and supporting the Hashd al-Sha'bi (People's Mobilization Units), which confronted and eventually defeated ISIS.
Alliance with Iraq is also an important component of Iran's broader Middle East policy. Iran has invested heavily in supporting the Behsar Assad regime in Syria and in order to have land access to Syria (through which it will have access to Hisbollah), it needs close cooperation with Iraq. Iran's Shi'a Crescent (which consists of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Hizbollah), will not be effective without Iraq, which is situated between Iran and Syria.
Now the Iran-Iraq alliance that Iran has worked so lard to create and solidify, is at risk. Iran should not ignore the public sentiment in Iraq. It also must rethink its interventions in Iraq that have led to these growing resentments. Clearly good relations with Iraq are very important for Iran's security and economy. Interfering in Iraq's domestic affairs is not the right way to go. It will only lead to more negative sentiments. Furthermore, The United State, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are working very hard to reduce Iran's influence in Iraq. They are resourceful and have contributed to the rising anti-Iran sentiments in recent months.
Under these conditions any effort by Iran to maintain influence in Iraq through informal and non-governmental channels will only lead to more anti-Iran sentiments. Iran is not in a position to treat Iraq as a client state. It should respect Iraq's sovereignty and treat it as an equal and sovereign neighbor. Instead of joining other external powers that interfere in Iraq's affairs Iran should work with Iraqi government to empower it to assert its sovereignty. It is only through this approach that Iran can gain the respect of friendship of Iraqi people in the long run.